Introduction and issues

The aim of my paper is to re-construct the diversities and developments of various “movement cultures” and their struggle for dominance in the Western world. My main focus will be on the rise and spread of modern sport and the propagation of its principles as the dominant paradigms. Emphasis will be placed on the causes and effects of global “sportification” and in- or exclusion processes using migrants and women as examples.

Theoretical background and definitions

My theoretical considerations draw upon figurational sociology, in particular Norbert Elias’s thoughts about civilisation processes which inspired Allen Guttmann’s reflections (1994) on the characteristics of movement cultures and Joe Maguire’s (1999) reconstruction of various globalisation phases in the development of modern sport. In addition, I draw on Pierre Bourdieu’s deliberations (1984) on social fields, forms of capital, habitus, taste and the struggle for distinction, as well as on constructivist approaches to gender and ethnicity (Lorber, 1994; Connell, 2002).

Modern sport with its performance, competition and record orientation is a “child” of the industrialised nation state, and a product as well as an engine of civilisation (in Norbert Elias’ sense) and globalisation. Sport aims at records and this demands equal chances for everybody. However, equality refers only to the access to competitions. In fact, sport does not strive for equality but for a comparison of performances and the identification of differences via competitions. These principles and intentions as well as social agreements transformed (and still transform) physical activities into sports. The global sport system enforces assimilation and compliance with its ideology and its regulations, which guarantee equal conditions in competitions. Since the 19th century, sport has facilitated the westernisation of groups and countries which adopted its principles.

Part 1 – The rise of modern sport, or was there an alternative?

Worldwide, numerous traditional sports and games were and still are played which, being restricted to certain social groups and/or certain regions, did not aim at being universally propagated. These activities had simple rules, included various groups of the population and did not aim at performance enhancements and records.

Traditional physical cultures declined at the end of the 18th century, as a consequence of rapid modernisation processes in Western countries, caused by the Enlightenment, the French Revolution, the Revolutionary Wars, and the creation of a new Europe that was accompanied by technological progress, industrialisation, urbanisation and the emergence of a middle class of citizens. At the same time, scholars de-tected the human body which led to new ideas about health as well as new body ideals and clothing styles. In this political and social re-organisation of Europe, nation states and nationalist movements played a decisive role.

These developments facilitated a reform of education as well as the invention and propagation of new movement cultures. At the end of the 18th century, the so called Philanthropinists developed a pedagogy which was aimed at the formation of useful (male) citizens. It included numerous and various physical exercises, because the formation of the body was believed to be the precondition of personality development and intellectual growth. “So let us exercise our bodies! Without them we would not think” demanded GutsMuths in his Gymnastics for Youth (1793, p. 252). This systematic and comprehensive manual on physical exercises called Gymnastics appeared in numerous editions and was translated into many languages. GutsMuths provided the “material”, i.e. the exercises and games, for the three “modern” movement systems which emerged at the same time: German Turnen, Swedish gymnastics and English sport.

Turnen

The political aim of the Turner, followers of Friedrich Ludwig Jahn, was to liberate Germany from French occupation, to overthrow the feudal order and to form a German nation state. Turnen was a comprehensive concept of games, exercises and physical activities for boys and men, ranging from climbing and balancing to running and throwing and included playing games. The Turner, did not attach any importance to records and abstract performance. Instead, they used a person’s height, for example, as the criterion for judging a high jump. They also preferred all-round exercising of the body to specialisation and they strove to improve the “nation’s strength” rather than individual performance. These principles can be demonstrated by the following quote about the long-distance race: The winner is “the one who runs the greatest distance in the shortest time and who arrives at the finish with enough strength left, without any signs of exhaustion” (Eiselen & Jahn, 1816/1960, p. 11). As there is no way of operationalising signs of exhaustion, this criterion does not fit into the logic of modern sport.

Swedish gymnastics

Per Henrik Ling (1776-1839), a theologian, fencing-master, philosopher and writer, developed a specific gymnastics system based on GutsMuths’concept. “Swedish gymnastics” focus on simple exercises and drills, involve the whole body and encourage participation by everyone, i.e. every man. Ling’s adherents claimed that the system was based on a scientific approach, that it was effective, and that it could be universally applied. Comparing performance, competing with others, as well as setting records, were all foreign to the Swedish system. Also, creativity, fun and enjoyment did also not play a central role in this form of gymnastics.

English sport

England has always been considered as the “cradle” of sport. Since the Middle Ages, sporting pastimes and merriments had been popular at the royal court and also later on also among the commoners. A number of theories on the transformation of these pastimes into modern sport have been put forward, referring to Puritanism or the Enlightenment, to the country’s social and political structure, i.e. the constitutional monarchy, as well as to industrialisation and urbanisation. At the end of the 18th century, the struggle for metres and seconds became fashionable and was enthusiastically taken up in rowing, running and horse-racing. The attraction of these competitions was partly due to betting; in turn, betting made regulations and standardisation necessary. There is undoubtedly a connection between the rise of sport and the adoption of the values, standards and structures of industrialisation – including rationality, technological progress, the abstract organisation of time and an economy aimed at the accumulation of capital. After the turn of the century, sport, particularly games, gained importance in English public schools. Headmasters used football as a form of social control and self-regulation.

The following characteristics reveal similarities and differences between the three different movement cultures:

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The differences between the three concepts of physical education can be explained, at least partly, by pointing to the different political situations in the three countries, especially their different involvement in political and military conflicts.

Sport becomes a global player

Swedish gymnastics, Turnen and sport underwent considerable changes during the 19th century. Turnen became the leading movement culture in Germany and its adherents resisted to and fought against sportification tendencies. They criticised the individualisation and specialisation of sport, its principles of competition, i.e. the quantification and record orientation, which led allegedly to egoism and the exclusion of the majority of the population. They doubted that “this one-sided fixation on performance is the right way to gain the greatest and longest benefit for the mind and body”.

However, by the end of the 19th century, sport in England had developed into an established system, well-defined rules and enormous popularity. Starting off from England, sport was intentionally exported or spread unintentionally when English soldiers or entrepreneurs took their pastime to foreign countries. In many countries sport was supported by anglophile groups who wished to demonstrate modernity, taste and social status.

In the course of the 19th and 20th centuries, more and more national and traditional pastimes were “sportified”. Activities which cannot be measured quantitatively such as figure skating are evaluated, and these evaluations are quantified by means of a code de pointage. Games are organised in a complex and hierarchical system of tournaments and leagues, which determine the best team in a city, a region, a nation or the world. Even Turnen gradually adapted to an orientation towards performance and competition and became a sport. However, the German Gymnastic Federation (five million members) still aims at mass participation and emphasises sport for all.

Since the 1980s a growing and diverse “sport for all” movement has emerged in many countries. This has been accompanied by the emergence of recreational, alternative and/or extreme activities such as yoga, roller skating, skate boarding or hang gliding.

Sport, the dominant movement culture: Reasons and effects

How can we explain the worldwide popularity of sport? One explanation refers to the parallel developments of and the similarities between sport and modern societies. A prominent advocate of this approach is Norbert Elias, who links the rise of modern sport to the process of civilisation. In his book

Games and Empires, Guttmann (1994) uses the concept of cultural hegemony to describe the propagation of modern sport. He identifies the most important factor in the diffusion of sports as being

the relative political, economic and cultural power of those involved [...] Emulation of wealthy and powerful nations, not exploitation, was the most potent motivating factor.

Besides these and other sociological approaches, theories of social psychology have been put forward to explain the fascination of sport. Richard Holt stated:

Not only did the English sports tend to offer a wider variety of physical and psychological satisfaction to participants, their speed and spontaneity were also more attractive to the spectator than regimented gymnastic display (Holt, 1995, p. 101).

However, beyond the seemingly uniform system of sport, national movement cultures still exist which differ, among other things, with regard to the types of popular sports. Thus, pétanque has its adherents mostly in France, pelota is played in Spain, baseball in the USA and team handball in Denmark and Germany.

Sportification caused a marginalisation or even disappearance of many traditional sports and games. Some of them were transformed into modern sports, such as surfing or dragon boat racing. Sportification also has led to a marginalisation of many countries which cannot gain prestige through sport, e.g. as a result of victories in soccer championships or in the Olympic Games.

Part 2: Diversities – countries, cultures, gender and religion

Sport participation in Europe

A representative survey in Europe has revealed large differences between sport participation in various European countries which may be explained by history, culture and environment.

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Gender arrangements in elite sport

Gymnastics, Turnen and sport were invented by men for men. Only at the end of the 19th century women gained – restricted – access to these movement cultures.

After the turn of the century, women dominated the various schools of aesthetic/rhythmic gymnastics. In sport female athletes were slowly accepted, but only in those sports which were looked upon as “suitable” for the “weaker sex”.

A good example is provided by women’s participation in the Olympics. Their number has risen from 0% in 1896 to around 8% in 1936 and to more than 40% today. The Olympics also show how the norms of “suitability” change: whereas women competed before World War I in “harmless” sports such as tennis, golf, archery and swimming, since 2012, they participate in the same sports as the male athletes.

Although women can take part in all sports today, gender differences in and outside the world of sports have not disappeared. Worldwide, girls and women are a minority among people playing and also among people watching sport. They predominate in “soft” forms of fitness and health-related physical activities, whereas men form a majority in sports which demand strength, aggressiveness and physical contact.

In Europe, 30 to 40% of the participants in physical activities and sports are girls and women; in developing countries, their participation rate drops to less than 5%. Besides not having easy access to sport facilities, they face numerous barriers if they wish to participate in sports and games.

Gender differences increase when it comes to competitions. Even in Western countries only a small percentage of the female population participates in sport competitions, tournaments, demonstrations or similar events. Sport competitions systematically reveal differences between the participants and establish a ranking based on an individual’s performance. Only those women are successful in (most) sports whose bodies have, or have adopted, anatomical and physiological characteristics which are looked upon as male. Sport provokes comparisons between male and female athletes and seems to confirm the myth of the strong and the weak sex.

Current “gender debates” in elite sport refer to various issues connected with eligibility for sport events. In particular, the “Caster Semenya case” and the claims of transgender athletes raised questions about the hormonal status of participants in women’s competitions. After long and difficult considerations, the IOC decided to focus on “hormonal characteristics” and not any more on gender when deciding about the eligibility of athletes to compete as a female or male athlete.

Muslim women and sport – controversies and diversities

Culture, circumstances of life and religion influence the participation of Muslim women in sport and physical activities. However, scholars emphasise that Islam does not prohibit physical activities and sport, but demands that Muslims, girls and women too, look after their fitness and health. However, Islamic rules governing the covering of the body and sex segregation, along with the control of women’s sexuality and concern for a family’s “honour”, can make it difficult for Muslim girls and women to participate in sport. In addition, an athletic life-style or a muscular body does not fit in with traditional ideals of femininity. In spite of the numerous opportunities for physical activities in Western countries female migrants with an Islamic background form a tiny minority of people who take up sport.

The results of a German survey based on 30,000 15-year-old pupils seem to confirm the trends mentioned above, showing as they did that 47% of adolescents with a German but only 43% of those with a migrant background were members of a sports club. However, the impression that more German adolescents than their migrant classmates are sports club members has to be modified, at least for boys. Gender-differentiated data revealed that sports clubs seem to have a special appeal for Turkish boys of this age. 57% of 15-year-old boys from migrant families and even 68% of boys with a Turkish background belong to a sports club. The same is true of 53% of “German” boys, 43% of “German” girls and only 28% of girls from ethnic minorities. Only 21% of girls with a Turkish background are members of a club.

These and other data on sporting activities of migrant girls and women show that they are almost totally excluded from sports participation, although a number of Turkish women (living in Turkey or abroad) have managed to become successful athletes, even in aggressive sports as karate, boxing or taekwondo. Some of them had to overcome great opposition from their families.

Not only the rules of religion but also culture, living and training conditions, legal prohibitions and social stigmas in Islamic countries may prevent Muslim women – with few exceptions – from participation in international sports competitions. In the 2008 Olympic Games, for example, female athletes from Muslim countries were a tiny minority of 2% of female participants, with Saudi Arabia, Brunei, Qatar and Kuwait failing to send any women at all to Beijing. This situation changed in 2012, when all delegations to the Olympic Games in London included women.

“Accept and respect” diversity – a declaration on Muslim women and sport

There are many reasons for the marginalisation of Muslim women in the world of sport, among them the rigid rules of modern sport, as well as the interpretation of Islamic laws and restrictions due to cultural traditions. A workshop in Oman, sponsored by Sultan Quaboos University and supported by the International Association of Physical Education and Sport for Girls and Women (IAPESGW), provided the opportunity for a cross-cultural discussion and exchange of knowledge, opinions and best practices based on openness, the willingness to learn and the attempt to understand each other. Fifteen women and one man, scholars and practitioners, shared their knowledge and their diverse experience with Muslim women and sport. Some were atheists; many others were religious with different ways of practising their faith. Some had Western clothes and hairstyles; others observed the Islamic dress code. It took one exciting week to come to a consensus and draft the following declaration. The most important statements of the declaration “ACCEPT AND RESPECT” were:

• Islam is an enabling religion that endorses women’s participation in physical activity.

• We affirm the importance of physical education and physical activity in the lives of all girls and boys, men and women.

• We recommend that people working in the sport and education systems accept and respect the diverse ways in which Muslim women and girls practise their religion and participate in sport and physical activity, for example, choices of activity, dress and gender grouping.

• We urge international sport federations to show their commitment to inclusion by ensuring that their dress codes for competition embrace Islamic requirements, taking into account the principles of propriety, safety and integrity.

This declaration is directed at Muslim and Western countries, as well as at religious and sports leaders. It urges them to accept the choices of women (and men) and to respect diversity.

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References

Benn, T., Pfister, G., & Jawad, H. A. (2010). Muslim Women and Sport. London: Routledge.

Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Connell, R. (2002). Gender. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Elias, N. (1982). State Formation and Civilization. The Civilizing Process. 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell.

Eurobarometer: Health and Food. 2006 http://ec.europa.eu/health/ph_publication/ eb_food_en.pdf.

GutsMuths, Johann Friedrich, Christoph (1793). Gymnastik für die Jugend. Schnepfenthal.

Guttmann, A. (1978). From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sports. New York: Columbia University Press.

Guttmann, A. (1994). Games and Empires: Modern Sports and Cultural Imperialism. New York: Columbia University Press.

Holt, R. (1995). “Contrasting nationalisms: sport, militarism and the Unitary State in Britain and France before 1914”. The International Journal of the History of Sport, 12, 2, pp. 39–54.

Jahn, F. L. & Eiselen, E. (1816). Die deutsche Turnkunst. zur Einrichtung der Turnplätze dargestellt. Berlin 1816 & Jahn, 1816/1960, p. 11.

Lorber, J. (1994). Paradoxes of Gender. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Maguire, J, (1999). Global Sport: Identities, Societies, Civilizations. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Pfister, G. (2003). “Cultural Confrontations: German Turnen, Swedish Gymnastics and English Sport – European Diversity in Physical Activities from a Historical Perspective”. Culture Sport Society, 6, pp. 61–91.

Pfister, G. (2010). “Outsiders: Muslim women and Olympic Games – barriers and opportunities”. International Journal of the History of Sport, 27 (16–18), pp. 2925–2957.

Pfister, G. (2013). “Women at the Olympic Games”. In Amendt, A. et al. (Eds.). Olympics: Past & Present. Qatar Olympic & Sports Museum. München: Prestel, pp. 227–235.

Pfister, G. (2014). “Sport in migrant communities: Transnational spaces and gender relations”. In Nauright, J. et al. (Eds.) Beyond C. L. R. James. Shifting Boundaries of Race and Ethnicity in Sports. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2014, pp. 195–210, 368–372.

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PFISTER Gertrud, "Sport and cultural diversity –  exclusions, assimilations and/or acceptance of “otherness”", in: K. Georgiadis(ed.), Olympic values: Respect for diversity, 54th International Session for Young Participants (Ancient Olympia, 15-29/6/2014), International Olympic Academy, Athens, 2015, pp.76-87.

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